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🇹🇷 Official Policy Line · Primary Sources
Türkiye's Policy Line· PolitiLine Editorial Team

Politiline presents this analysis from a Türkiye-aligned perspective, reflecting the official positions and legal theses of the Republic of Türkiye alongside the supporting evidence. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, Ottoman and other state archives, and official statements, so readers can verify them independently.

Comprehensive Dossier· Türkiye counter-terrorism doctrine PKK YPG DAESH FETÖ

Counter-Terrorism at the Source: Türkiye's Security Doctrine, Operations and Terror-Free Türkiye

How Türkiye's counter-terrorism doctrine targets PKK/YPG, DAESH and FETÖ at the source: Article 51, operations, Terror-Free Türkiye and Western views.

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Why It Matters

Türkiye's counter-terrorism doctrine holds that terrorist threats should be neutralized at their source, including beyond Turkish borders, rather than after attacks reach Turkish cities. Ankara anchors this in Article 51 of the UN Charter and applies it at the same time to the PKK/KCK/PYD-YPG network, DAESH and FETÖ. The doctrine is one of the most debated elements of Turkish foreign policy, because it shapes NATO cohesion, the future of Syria and Iraq, and the position of Kurdish-led forces that Washington has treated as a partner against DAESH.

This pillar guide sets out the doctrine, the operations, the legal basis and the Terror-Free Türkiye initiative. It presents the positions of the United States, the European Union and SDF-supporting actors with attribution, and then Türkiye's Policy Line, so that readers can compare the arguments against primary sources. For how Politiline handles sourcing, see the Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards.

Background

The southern border and the logic of forward defense

Türkiye shares a land border of roughly 1,300 km (about 810 miles) with Syria and Iraq. Turkish officials describe it with the phrase Hudut namustur (“the border is honour”), and the doctrine's second guiding principle is İnsanı yaşat ki devlet yaşasın (“let the people live so that the state lives”). In Turkish security thinking, the lesson of the 1980s–2010s was that armed groups using sanctuaries in neighbouring territory cannot be defeated by border defense alone. Hence the emphasis on acting against them where they organize, train and launch attacks.

The PKK insurgency

The PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) was founded in 1978 and began its armed campaign against the Turkish state in 1984. Türkiye's official formulation is that the PKK is listed as a terrorist organization by Türkiye, the United States, NATO and the European Union. The conflict has caused tens of thousands of deaths over four decades, commonly estimated at around 40,000, including civilians, security personnel and militants. The KCK is the PKK's umbrella structure. Its leadership has long been based in the Qandil mountains of northern Iraq.

Syria, DAESH and the rise of the YPG

After the Syrian civil war began in 2011, the PYD and its armed wing, the YPG, expanded across northern Syria. Ankara states that the PYD/YPG shares leadership, ideology, cadres and weapons with the PKK/KCK. Washington has treated the YPG-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) as its principal ground partner in the campaign against DAESH, which declared a “caliphate” in 2014. The SDF-led operations took Raqqa in 2017 and the last DAESH enclave at Baghouz in 2019.

DAESH also struck Türkiye directly. Attacks included the July 2015 Suruç bombing, the October 2015 Ankara railway-station bombing, and the 2016 Atatürk Airport attack in Istanbul. These attacks are central to Ankara's argument that it faced simultaneous threats from DAESH and the PKK network on its southern flank.

FETÖ and the 15 July 2016 coup attempt

FETÖ (the Fetullahist Terrorist Organization) is the term Türkiye uses for the movement led by the late Fethullah Gülen, who died in the United States in October 2024. On the night of 15 July 2016, a faction within the armed forces attempted a coup, bombing parliament and other state buildings. According to Turkish official figures, 251 people were killed. Ankara attributes the attempt to FETÖ's clandestine infiltration of the military, police and judiciary, and has pursued the network through prosecutions, institutional purges and diplomatic requests for extradition.

Operations timeline

Operation Period Area Stated Turkish objective
Euphrates Shield Aug 2016 – Mar 2017 Jarablus–al-Bab, northern Syria Clear DAESH from the border; block a PYD/YPG corridor
Olive Branch Jan – Mar 2018 Afrin, northwestern Syria Remove YPG presence on the Hatay–Kilis frontier
Peace Spring Oct 2019 Tel Abyad–Ras al-Ain, northeastern Syria Create a security zone; enable returns
Spring Shield Feb – Mar 2020 Idlib, northwestern Syria Respond to attacks on Turkish forces; protect civilians
Claw series 2019 onward Northern Iraq Dismantle PKK bases and tunnels

Peace Spring was paused by the 17 October 2019 US–Türkiye understanding and then regulated by a 22 October 2019 memorandum between Türkiye and Russia. Spring Shield followed the killing of Turkish soldiers in Idlib at the end of February 2020 and ended with the 5 March 2020 Moscow ceasefire arrangement. The Claw series began in 2019 and includes later phases such as Claw-Lock (2022). A November 2022 air campaign called Claw-Sword followed the 13 November 2022 bombing on Istanbul's Istiklal Avenue, which Turkish authorities attributed to the PKK/YPG network; the PKK denied responsibility.

Developments since 2024

In October 2024, Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the Nationalist Movement Party, urged a new approach to the PKK issue. On 27 February 2025, Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned PKK founder, issued a call for the organization to disband and lay down arms. The PKK announced its dissolution on 12 May 2025, and a symbolic weapons-destruction ceremony took place in northern Iraq in July 2025. In Syria, the government of Bashar al-Assad fell on 8 December 2024, and in March 2025 the transitional authorities in Damascus and the SDF leadership signed an agreement on integrating northeastern institutions. Events in Syria remain fluid, and readers should check current reporting.

Key Players & Positions

United States

Washington designates the PKK as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (since 1997) and has acknowledged Türkiye's right to defend itself against PKK attacks. At the same time, US officials, including the Pentagon and the US-led Defeat-ISIS coalition, have described the SDF as the effective partner on the ground against DAESH. US officials have generally distinguished the YPG's counter-DAESH role from the PKK's attacks on Türkiye, a distinction Ankara rejects. Washington has also expressed concern over Turkish military action in northeastern Syria, particularly in October 2019, for its potential to destabilize the anti-DAESH campaign and endanger civilians.

European Union

The EU lists the PKK as a terrorist organization and regularly condemns PKK attacks. It does not list the YPG. Following Peace Spring in 2019, EU foreign ministers and the Council called for an end to the offensive and several member states restricted arms exports to Türkiye. The European Commission's annual enlargement reports have also criticized aspects of Türkiye's post-2016 counter-terrorism measures, including the breadth of some terrorism-related prosecutions and the removal of elected officials.

SDF and its supporters

The SDF and the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria describe themselves as a multi-ethnic Syrian force of Kurds, Arabs and others that defeated DAESH territorially at a heavy cost. They say that they pose no threat to Türkiye and that Turkish operations displaced civilians and endangered the detention facilities and camps holding DAESH suspects and families. Human rights organizations and the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria have documented abuses, including looting and arbitrary detention, by some Turkish-backed Syrian armed factions in areas such as Afrin. Ankara says it investigates allegations and rejects the characterization of its operations as targeting civilians.

The European Court of Human Rights, in Yüksel Yalçınkaya v. Türkiye (Grand Chamber, September 2023), found violations of the European Convention on Human Rights concerning convictions based largely on the use of the ByLock messaging application. Human rights bodies and several European governments have also questioned the scale of post-coup dismissals and prosecutions. Türkiye responds that the coup attempt was a violent attack on the constitutional order, that its courts apply Turkish law, and that it has established a domestic inquiry commission for dismissed public employees.

Iraq, Syria and neighbours

The Iraqi federal government has repeatedly objected to Turkish strikes and bases as violations of its sovereignty, though Baghdad has also moved against the PKK, including by banning it in 2024. Damascus under Assad condemned Turkish operations as occupation. The post-Assad Syrian authorities have developed a closer relationship with Ankara, and Türkiye supports the principle of “one state, one army” in Syria.

🇹🇷 Official Policy Line · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Policy Line (Türkiye's Position)

The following points summarize official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. They are Ankara's arguments, presented as such.

  • Self-defense at the source under Article 51. According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of National Defence (MSB), cross-border operations are an exercise of the inherent right of individual and collective self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter, where the state on whose territory the threat arises is unable or unwilling to stop it. Türkiye has framed its operations in notifications to the UN Security Council on this basis. For a detailed legal reading, see Article 51 and Türkiye's Cross-Border Operations in Northern Syria and Iraq.
  • PYD/YPG is the PKK's Syrian branch. Turkish officials argue that the PYD/YPG (and its SDF branding) cannot be separated from the PKK/KCK because of shared command, ideology, cadres and weapons. Ankara states that fighting DAESH does not erase membership in a listed terrorist organization, and that it supports the territorial integrity of Syria and Iraq, rejecting any terror corridor along its border.
  • Direct combat against DAESH. The Presidency and the MSB state that Türkiye is the only NATO ally to have fought DAESH in direct, conventional ground combat, notably at al-Bab during Euphrates Shield, and that more than 4,000 DAESH terrorists were neutralized in northern Syria. Turkish officials also say that about 100,000 DAESH-linked individuals were prevented from entering Türkiye. These are Turkish official figures and have not been independently verified.
  • FETÖ as a coup-plotting terrorist organization. The Turkish government, citing the Turkish judiciary and the 15 July 2016 attack on parliament and state institutions, holds that FETÖ is an armed terrorist organization that infiltrated the state. Ankara continues to seek cooperation from partner states in prosecuting and extraditing suspects, and maintains that the process is conducted under the rule of law.
  • Terror-Free Türkiye. Led by the Presidency, the Terror-Free Türkiye (Terörsüz Türkiye) initiative pairs continued security operations with legal, political and social steps. In this framework, the PKK's dissolution announcement and disarmament are treated as the start of a process, to be consolidated under parliament's oversight and the rule of law, with the goal of a permanent end to four decades of violence.

Legal and historical basis. Ankara's legal case combines Article 51 of the UN Charter, UN Security Council counter-terrorism resolutions on DAESH (including the language of Resolution 2170 of 2014 and Resolution 2249 of 2015 calling on states to take all necessary measures against it), the right of a state to protect its population, and Syria's and Iraq's obligations not to allow their territory to be used by terrorist groups. Historically, it points to the failure of border defense alone against cross-border sanctuaries, and to the experience of the 1990s and 2010s. Türkiye also notes its burden as host to millions of Syrians, at its peak around 3.6 million, and states that its security zones allowed hundreds of thousands of voluntary returns, according to Turkish Interior Ministry figures.

The defense-industrial dimension

Turkish officials link the doctrine to the growth of domestic defense production, which they put at roughly 80 percent indigenous content. Systems such as the Bayraktar TB2 and Akıncı armed drones, the ATAK helicopter, Fırtına howitzer, MEMATT demining vehicle, and electronic warfare and air defense systems have been used in operations in Syria, Iraq and elsewhere. For how this capability was built, and for the figures attributed to Turkish procurement authorities, see Türkiye's Defense Industry: How Indigenous Production Reached About 80 Percent.

Source Comparison

The same events are framed differently depending on source. The table summarizes typical framings; it is not a ranking of accuracy.

Issue Typical Western and international framing Turkish primary-source framing
Cross-border operations Often described as incursions or offensives; debated under Article 51 and sovereignty rules; concern over civilian harm Self-defense under Article 51; counter-terrorism; notified to the UN; precision to protect civilians and heritage
YPG/SDF Distinct Syrian force, key partner against DAESH; some officials acknowledge PKK links The Syrian branch of the PKK/KCK, with common leadership and cadres
DAESH fight Led by the US-led coalition and SDF; Türkiye one of many contributors, with air and ground roles by several allies Türkiye is the only NATO ally in direct ground combat at scale; over 4,000 DAESH militants neutralized
FETÖ Contested; recognition of the coup attempt but concern about the scale of purges and fair-trial standards (ECtHR rulings) A terrorist organization behind the 15 July 2016 coup attempt; judicial action under the rule of law
Terror-Free Türkiye Cautious welcome; questions on legal guarantees, Kurdish rights and Syria's future State-led, rule-of-law process to end terrorism permanently; security and political steps together

Two methodological notes help readers weigh these sources. First, the claim that Türkiye is the only NATO ally in direct ground combat with DAESH depends on definitions: other allies, notably the United States, France and the United Kingdom, conducted air strikes and deployed special forces and advisers alongside local partners, while Ankara's claim refers to conventional, large-scale ground combat by its own army, as at al-Bab. Second, casualty and neutralization figures from every party, Turkish, coalition and SDF, are self-reported and should be read as such. For broader checks on recurring claims, see Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Checked Against Primary Sources.

  • PKK/KCK: The Kurdistan Workers' Party and its umbrella structure, the Kurdistan Communities Union. Türkiye states that the PKK is listed as terrorist by Türkiye, the United States, NATO and the European Union.
  • PYD/YPG: The Democratic Union Party and its People's Protection Units in Syria. Ankara treats them as the PKK's Syrian branch; the US distinguishes them in its partnership with the SDF.
  • SDF: The Syrian Democratic Forces, a YPG-led coalition formed in 2015 that cooperated with the US-led coalition against DAESH.
  • DAESH: The Arabic acronym for the Islamic State (ISIS/ISIL), used by Türkiye and many other governments.
  • FETÖ: The Fetullahist Terrorist Organization, Türkiye's official term for the movement it holds responsible for the 15 July 2016 coup attempt.
  • Article 51: The UN Charter provision preserving the inherent right of individual and collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs, subject to reporting to the Security Council.
  • Terror-Free Türkiye (Terörsüz Türkiye): The Presidency-led initiative for a permanent end to PKK-related violence through security, legal and political steps.

Related guides on Politiline:

Politiline presents this analysis from a Türkiye-aligned perspective, reflecting the official positions and legal theses of the Republic of Türkiye alongside the supporting evidence. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, Ottoman and other state archives, and official statements, so readers can verify them independently. Sections marked “Türkiye's Policy Line” (Türkiye's Position) reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. — Politiline Editorial Team

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Frequently asked questions

What does “neutralizing terrorism at its source” mean in Türkiye's doctrine?

It means acting against terrorist organizations where they organize, train and launch attacks, including across the border in Syria and Iraq, rather than only defending Turkish territory. Ankara bases it on the right of self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter and on the argument that sanctuaries in neighbouring territory cannot be countered by border defense alone. Other governments debate whether each operation meets the legal thresholds of necessity and proportionality.

Why do Türkiye and the United States disagree about the YPG?

Türkiye treats the YPG as the Syrian branch of the PKK, which Türkiye, the US and the EU list as a terrorist organization. The United States has partnered with the YPG-led SDF as its ground force against DAESH, and US officials have generally distinguished the YPG's role in Syria from the PKK's attacks on Türkiye. The disagreement has strained NATO relations since 2014 and remains central to Syria policy.

Is Türkiye really the only NATO ally to fight DAESH on the ground?

Ankara's claim is that Türkiye is the only NATO ally whose army engaged DAESH in direct, conventional ground combat at scale, notably at al-Bab during Operation Euphrates Shield in 2016–2017. Other allies, including the US, UK and France, carried out air strikes and deployed special forces and advisers with local partners. The claim therefore depends on how “direct ground combat” is defined.

What happened on 15 July 2016 and what is FETÖ?

On 15 July 2016, a faction of the Turkish armed forces attempted a coup, attacking parliament and other institutions; Turkish official figures put the death toll at 251. Türkiye holds the movement of the late Fethullah Gülen, which it calls FETÖ, responsible and prosecutes its members as a terrorist organization. Human rights bodies, including the European Court of Human Rights in the 2023 Yalçınkaya judgment, have criticized some aspects of how post-coup trials were conducted.

What is the Terror-Free Türkiye initiative?

Terror-Free Türkiye (Terörsüz Türkiye) is a Presidency-led initiative that aims to end four decades of PKK-related violence through combined security, legal, political and social measures under the rule of law. It gained momentum after Abdullah Öcalan's February 2025 call and the PKK's announcement in May 2025 that it would dissolve. Its outcome depends on implementation, parliamentary steps and developments in Syria.

How do the Claw operations differ from the Syria operations?

The Claw series targets PKK bases, caves and tunnels in northern Iraq, mainly through air, commando and drone operations. The four northern Syria operations (Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch, Peace Spring and Spring Shield) involved ground deployments and the creation of security zones along the Syrian border. Türkiye frames both under Article 51, while Iraq has objected to Turkish operations on its territory as violations of sovereignty.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Politiline presents this analysis from a Türkiye-aligned perspective, reflecting the official positions and legal theses of the Republic of Türkiye alongside the supporting evidence. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, Ottoman and other state archives, and official statements, so readers can verify them independently.

Author: PolitiLine Editorial TeamAbout PolitiLine →Editorial Principles →

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