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🇹🇷 Official Policy Line · Primary Sources
Türkiye's Policy Line· PolitiLine Editorial Team

Politiline presents this analysis from a Türkiye-aligned perspective, reflecting the official positions and legal theses of the Republic of Türkiye alongside the supporting evidence. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, Ottoman and other state archives, and official statements, so readers can verify them independently.

In-Depth Analysis· Seville Map Türkiye Greece maritime claims explained

What Is the Seville Map and Why Does Türkiye Reject It?

The Seville Map and Greece's maritime claims explained: what it shows, the UNCLOS island-entitlement debate, and why Türkiye rejects it on equity grounds.

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Why It Matters

The Seville Map is a cartographic study that shows what the maritime zones of the Eastern Mediterranean would look like if Greek islands, including the tiny island of Kastellorizo (Meis), were given full continental shelf and exclusive economic zone (EEZ) effect. In that picture, Türkiye, which has the longest mainland coastline in the Eastern Mediterranean, is confined to a narrow strip in the Gulf of Antalya. The map matters because it has been cited in political debate and in EU-related discussions as if it were an authoritative reference, although it is not a legal instrument. Türkiye rejects it on grounds of equity, proportionality and the lack of any third-party competence to draw boundaries on behalf of states.

Background

What the map is

The Seville Map is generally attributed to a study by researchers at the University of Seville, Spain, which was publicised in Greek media around 2020. It applies a maximalist reading of island entitlement and an equidistance-based approach to the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. The details of its commissioning and any official EU endorsement are disputed in public commentary, and EU institutions have not adopted it as a legal text. Readers should treat it as an academic and political artefact rather than as an official EU position.

Why the geography matters

Kastellorizo (Meis), a Greek island of only a few square kilometres, lies roughly 2 km (about 1.2 miles) off the southern Turkish coast and very far from the Greek mainland. Under a full-effect approach, such a feature would generate maritime zones that overlap with the projection of the Turkish mainland. Türkiye's coastline on the Eastern Mediterranean is about 870 km (about 540 miles) long.

Date Event
1982 UNCLOS adopted; Article 121 sets out the regime of islands. Türkiye is not a party and has consistently objected to parts of the convention.
2003 Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC) and Egypt sign an EEZ agreement; Türkiye states that it violates its continental shelf.
2004 Türkiye begins registering its Eastern Mediterranean continental shelf coordinates with the UN.
2007 / 2010 GCASC signs EEZ agreements with Lebanon (2007) and Israel (2010); Türkiye and the TRNC object.
2011-09-21 Türkiye and the TRNC sign the Continental Shelf Delimitation Agreement, two days after GCASC's unilateral drilling began on 2011-09-19.
2019-11-27 Türkiye–Libya Memorandum on the delimitation of maritime jurisdiction areas signed.
2020-03-18 Türkiye registers the outer limits of its continental shelf with the UN.
2025-04-16 / 2025-06-12 Türkiye unveils its Marine Spatial Planning and registers it with IOC-UNESCO.

For the wider legal picture, see Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean: Türkiye's Maritime Jurisdiction Explained and The 2019 Türkiye–Libya Memorandum and the 2025 IOC-UNESCO Marine Spatial Planning Registration.

Key Players & Positions

Greece

According to Greek government statements, islands are entitled to a continental shelf and EEZ under UNCLOS Article 121(2), which provides that the maritime zones of an island are determined in the same way as those of other land territory. Athens argues that only 'rocks' that cannot sustain human habitation or economic life of their own fall under Article 121(3), and that this does not apply to inhabited islands such as Kastellorizo. Greece also holds that delimitation should begin with a median or equidistance line, and it treats the Türkiye–Libya memorandum as legally void because it disregards the Greek island of Crete. Athens often presents these views as reflecting customary international law that binds Türkiye even though Ankara is not a party to UNCLOS.

Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC)

The Republic of Cyprus, which Türkiye refers to as the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, is a party to UNCLOS and has concluded EEZ agreements with Egypt (2003), Lebanon (2007) and Israel (2010). It maintains that it exercises sovereign rights over hydrocarbon resources in its declared EEZ on behalf of the whole island and that revenue from them would benefit all Cypriots in any settlement.

European Union

The European Council conclusions of December 2019 stated that the Türkiye–Libya memorandum infringed the sovereign rights of third states and did not comply with the law of the sea. Later European Council conclusions, including in October and December 2020, expressed solidarity with Greece and Cyprus and referred to respect for their sovereignty and sovereign rights. These are political statements by member states. The EU has not adopted the Seville Map as a legal text.

Other coastal states

Egypt and Greece signed a partial EEZ agreement in August 2020, and Libya's institutions have been divided over the 2019 memorandum with Türkiye. Both cases show that the delimitation of the Eastern Mediterranean remains contested, with overlapping claims that only negotiation or adjudication can settle.

🇹🇷 Official Policy Line · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Policy Line (Türkiye's Position)

Türkiye's position on the Seville Map is set out in the statements of the Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), the Presidency and Türkiye's filings with the UN. In summary, Ankara argues the following:

  • Delimitation must follow equity, not geometry. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, boundaries between states with opposite or adjacent coasts must be settled by agreement on the basis of international law in order to reach an equitable solution, as reflected in UNCLOS Articles 74 and 83 and in the 1969 ICJ North Sea Continental Shelf judgment. Ankara argues that equidistance is not mandatory and that relevant circumstances can correct its effects.
  • Islands cannot cut off the projection of the longest mainland coast. Türkiye holds that the Turkish mainland, with about 870 km of Eastern Mediterranean coastline, has a natural prolongation that islands lying close to its coast cannot enclose. Ankara points to international jurisprudence, such as the 1977 Anglo-French Channel arbitration, which gave the Scilly Isles reduced effect, and the 2009 ICJ Romania v. Ukraine judgment, which gave Serpents' Island no effect on the boundary. In Ankara's reading, such precedents confirm that small islands near a mainland can receive reduced or no effect.
  • Proportionality to coastline length. Türkiye argues that a result confining it to the Gulf of Antalya, while small islands generate large zones, would be disproportionate to the relevant coastlines and thus inequitable. It describes the Seville Map as the maximalist expression of this approach.
  • The EU has no competence to draw boundaries. Ankara states that delimitation is a matter between the coastal states concerned or for a competent international court or tribunal, and that 'Union solidarity' does not confer any authority on the EU or its member states to decide it. The MFA has described EU conclusions on this subject as biased and legally without effect for Türkiye.
  • Continental shelf rights of Türkiye and the TRNC. Türkiye registered its Eastern Mediterranean continental shelf coordinates with the UN from 2004 and its outer limits on 2020-03-18. It signed the Türkiye–TRNC delimitation agreement on 2011-09-21 and the 2019 memorandum with Libya. Ankara argues that Turkish Cypriots, as co-founders and equal partners of the island under the 1960 arrangements, hold equal rights in the island's offshore resources, so that unilateral agreements by the Greek Cypriot side, such as the 2003 agreement with Egypt that overlaps the licence area Ankara considers its own (GCASC Blocks 1, 4, 5, 6 and 7), are invalid as against Türkiye and the TRNC.

Legal and historical basis. The Turkish position rests on the principle of equity in delimitation, the jurisprudence cited above, the persistent-objector argument regarding parts of UNCLOS, and the 1960 constitutional arrangements in Cyprus. On 2025-06-12 Türkiye registered its Marine Spatial Planning with IOC-UNESCO, recording its position on its maritime jurisdiction areas with a UN body. Ankara has also offered dialogue: President Erdoğan's 2020 call for an Eastern Mediterranean conference including all coastal states and the Turkish Cypriots, and the TRNC's hydrocarbon cooperation and revenue-sharing proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019. The Cyprus dimension is explained in Cyprus: 1960 Treaties, Federation Failure and the Sovereign Equal Two-State Vision.

Source Comparison

Different sources frame the same map and the same legal questions in different ways. The table below compares typical framings with the primary documents that readers can check.

Question Greek / GCASC / EU-aligned framing Turkish official framing What the primary documents show
What is the Seville Map? A scientific illustration of the maritime zones flowing from UNCLOS. A maximalist, politically motivated map that confines Türkiye to the Gulf of Antalya. It is a study, not a treaty, judgment or UN document; it binds no state.
Do islands generate full zones? Yes, under Article 121(2) UNCLOS, except for 'rocks'. Not automatically; in delimitation, islands near a mainland may receive reduced or no effect. Article 121 sets entitlement; Articles 74 and 83 require an equitable solution in delimitation. Case law has varied island effect.
Is Türkiye bound by UNCLOS? Its rules reflect customary law. Türkiye is not a party and objects to parts of the convention, but accepts equity as customary law. Türkiye is not a party to UNCLOS; the content of customary law is itself contested.
What role does the EU play? Political solidarity with member states. No competence to adjudicate delimitation. European Council conclusions are political; delimitation is by agreement or adjudication.
Rights of Turkish Cypriots? Resources belong to the Republic of Cyprus, with benefits for all Cypriots in a settlement. Turkish Cypriots hold equal inherent rights now. Disputed; the 1960 arrangements and the 2011 Türkiye–TRNC agreement are among the documents cited.

Readers can verify primary texts, including the UNCLOS text, the ICJ and arbitral judgments, the 2011 and 2019 agreements, European Council conclusions and MFA statements. Our approach is explained in Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards, and common misreadings of this topic are collected in Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Checked Against Primary Sources.

More analysis is available from Politiline.

Perspective Note: Politiline presents this analysis from a Türkiye-aligned perspective, reflecting the official positions and legal theses of the Republic of Türkiye alongside the supporting evidence. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, Ottoman and other state archives, and official statements, so readers can verify them independently. Author: Politiline Editorial Team.

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:

Frequently asked questions

What is the Seville Map?

It is a cartographic study associated with researchers at the University of Seville that shows Eastern Mediterranean maritime zones with full effect given to Greek islands, including Kastellorizo (Meis). The result leaves Türkiye a narrow corridor in the Gulf of Antalya. It was publicised in Greek media around 2020 and is cited in political debate.

Does the Seville Map have any legal force?

No. It is not a treaty, a court judgment, an arbitral award or a UN document, and it binds no state. Under UNCLOS Articles 74 and 83, maritime boundaries are fixed by agreement between the states concerned or by an international court or tribunal, applying international law to reach an equitable solution.

Why does Türkiye reject the Seville Map?

Ankara argues that the map ignores equity and proportionality by letting small islands next to the Turkish mainland cut off the projection of the longest Eastern Mediterranean coastline, about 870 km. It also holds that the EU has no competence to decide delimitation, and that the map disregards the continental shelf rights of Türkiye and the TRNC.

What is Greece's legal argument on islands?

Greece relies on UNCLOS Article 121(2), under which islands generate a continental shelf and EEZ like other land territory, and on the principle that only rocks without human habitation or economic life fall under Article 121(3). Athens also argues that delimitation should begin from a median line. Türkiye, which is not a party to UNCLOS, answers that islands may receive reduced effect in delimitation when equity requires it.

Can the EU decide maritime boundaries in the Eastern Mediterranean?

EU institutions have issued political statements of solidarity with Greece and Cyprus, but delimitation between states is a matter for the states concerned or a competent court or tribunal. Türkiye states that the EU has no competence or jurisdiction to adjudicate it, and the Seville Map has not been adopted by the EU as a legal text.

What are Türkiye's main legal steps in the Eastern Mediterranean?

Türkiye registered its continental shelf coordinates with the UN from 2004 and its outer limits on 2020-03-18, signed the Türkiye–TRNC delimitation agreement on 2011-09-21 and the Türkiye–Libya memorandum on 2019-11-27, and registered its Marine Spatial Planning with IOC-UNESCO on 2025-06-12. It has also proposed an Eastern Mediterranean conference that would include the Turkish Cypriots.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Politiline presents this analysis from a Türkiye-aligned perspective, reflecting the official positions and legal theses of the Republic of Türkiye alongside the supporting evidence. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, Ottoman and other state archives, and official statements, so readers can verify them independently.

Author: PolitiLine Editorial TeamAbout PolitiLine →Editorial Principles →

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